Diversity and Democracy in Burma

 
The diverse ethnic groups of Burma have lived in their own respective territory for thousands of years. After Independence 8 Constitutional States, Burma Proper, Shan State, Kachin State, Chin State, Karen State, Karenni (or Kayah State) Arakan State and Mon State had been recognised, and each was named according to the majority population of the state e.g. the Burmans were the majority in Burma Proper and were never the majority in the Shan State; the Shans were the majority in the Shan State. It is incorrect to label the Burmans as the majority and all the others as minorities of Burma, especially when "majority and minorities" are the terms used for control and power of one group over the others. The military sought to make the Burmans the majority in all the eight states  hence they adopted the policy of ethnic cleansing and other human rights violations against the non-Burman nationalities. Independence from the British and the formation of the Union of Burma meant to the non-Burman nationalities that they were now equal partners and had to work for the common good of all members. But to the Burman nationalist politicians, Independence meant Power and Control over the others.  Bogyoke Aung San on the other hand, realised that the only way the Union could work was to create a genuine democracy, and by abiding to the principles of  ̏the Panglong Agreement̋. The nationalist politicians disapproved and this led to the assassination of  Bogyoke Aung San and his fellow executive members.

On 23 May 1947, less than three months before his death, Bogyoke Aung San gave a speech which made his thoughts on democracy very clear. He distinguished ̏true̋ from ̏sham̋ democracy. He said, ̏Only true democracy can work for the real good of the people, real equality of status and opportunity for every one irrespective of class or race or religion or sex. Not every democracy is true democracy. Some are imperfect democracies concealing in democratic guise the dictatorship of the capitalist class. True democracy alone must be our basis if we want to draw up our constitution with the people as the real sovereign and the people's interest as the primary consideration. Democracy alone is the basis upon which the real progress of a nation can be built̋. After his death, during 1948- 1958, the government under U Nu was at first running pretty smoothly, but being pressurized by the Burman nationalists U Nu changed the Constitution. By 1961 the Sawbwas realised that the Union was not only totally under the control of the Burmans but becoming under the Military; therefore, the question of ̏to secede  or not to secede̋ came to be an issue amongst Shan leaders including U Htoon Myint who was anti- Sawbwas. This was not a crime, it was a right provided by the Constitution.( The Shan State had the right to secede after ten years , 1958) The secession issue did not arise out of conspiracies by the Shan leaders; it originated from real grievances.

The majority and more prominent Shan and other ethnic leaders were committed to working out a solution with the elected U Nu Government. That was the reason why they called for a recess of Parliamentarians, to have a discussion on Federation.  In March 1962, during a high level seminar on federal issues attended by Prime Minister U Nu, senior Shan representatives and lawyers on both sides, the military under General Ne Win staged a coup. The present long and never ending conflict could have been avoided if the debate had been allowed to continue. The Military claimed that ̏Without a strong military presence, there would be ethnic violence̋. This is also propaganda of the military regime. It has shut away the truth and has been drumming this into the citizens of Burma and the international communities for years, and yes, some are naive enough to believe whatever the junta says. This is because the regime has been practising how to lie convincingly for years; the generals sound so genuine yet they are blatantly lying.

After the military coup, the various groups have been corrupted and indoctrinated to think ill of each other by the Burmese military’s divide and rule method. The regime has shattered the eight regional states of the Union of Burma. In each of the regional states they have caused conflict between the national races like the Burmans against the Non-Burmans, the Pa-O and Was against the Shan, and  within each national race Buddhists against those of other religious background, and ceasefire groups against the resistance groups. The high regards in which Bogyoke Aung San had been held by the Burmese public since independence had proved a problem for the military regime under Ne Win. He attempted to diminish Bogyoke Aung San’s stature at first but later he decided that it would be more beneficial to put Aung San as a spiritual leader of the army so as to make the coup justifiable and also by using Aung San’s image the army could claim its legitimacy.  They thought, Was Aung San not the Founding Father of the Tamadaw? At the beginning of the military regime a lot of Burmans believed Bogyoke Aung San held the same ideology as the rest of the military generals and so did the ethnic nationalities who were also made to believe that Bogyoke Aung San and the whole Burman nationalities had betrayed them.

When Bogyoke Aung San’s daughter, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi arrived in Burma, she was shocked to discover the military’s actions of injustice, subjugation of the people, the shooting of thousands of students and the heinous human rights violations practised against the ethnic nationalities. She joined the NLD, a political party opposition to the military regime.  She exposed that the method used by the military in ruling the country was not what her father had wanted. The generals had in fact manipulated the people of Burma into believing that her father had the same ideology as them. By this exposure she damaged the military regime’s legitimacy.  Like father like daughter, they both wanted freedom, equal rights and democracy for all. This is one, if not the main, reason why the military generals especially Than Shwe hate and are afraid of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi so much.  Blaming her for their failures, since 1989 the regime is bent on destroying Aung San Suu Kyi's image.

To move forward there has to be National Reconciliation of all nationalities coming together at a round table. The talk has to be built on truth, trust and transparency. In a country like Burma there has to be an understanding of the principle of territorial integrity and fundamental respect for diversity, and different peoples’ wishes for freedom, equality and justice. As was seen in the Shan State between1886-1948, various diverse groups lived peacefully side by side in harmony without force being used; diversity therefore does not necessarily lead to chaos and disorder, if citizens including government members live and abide by the country’s moral code and a law that is fair and just. Reconciliation must also start from all levels of society. We must free ourselves from indoctrination and what we have been made to believe and try to find the truth. Our brain must be free to think and reason, without accepting what people tell us to be the gospel truth. Only when our reasoning is free from fear can we think sensibly and make the right choice. As human beings we are blessed with a unique brain that can reason and make choices. We all have a duty towards the survival and progress of our own humankind. The well being and happiness of their citizens should also be the priority of all governments and politicians.

To have a genuine Democracy in Burma dictatorship has to be abolished for good as it has no place in the modern and civilized world.  Although Democracy is not perfect it is the best form of government. It is the government of the people. Political leaders are not from a single social class, a single ethnic group, a single religious group nor a group of narrow ruling families. Leaders are chosen by the people and responsible to the people. All citizens have the right to vote.